Nigeria’s
history is replete with meetings. In 1983, Major-General Ibrahim
Babangida visited President Shehu Shagari to assure him of the army’s
loyalty; in early, 1986, three writers, Achebe, Soyinka and Clark, met
with President Babangida to discuss a commutation of accused coup
plotter, Major-General Mamman Vatsa’s death sentence; in 1993, after a
meeting where the merits of a court order to stop elections from holding
was discussed, some army officers were seen heading to the president’s
office ‘to remonstrate with him’ on his decision to allow the election
proceed.
All of these meetings had different intentions and consequences, as Max Siollun presents in his fine book, Soldiers of Fortune, subtitled Nigerian Politics from Buhari to Babangida (1983-1993).
The Shagari visit was subterfuge to distract the government from plans
of a coup. Vatsa’s sentence was never commuted: he was executed a day
later. And the last would lead to the annulment of the June 12 election.
Those
are some of the more obvious meetings; the meetings necessary for coup
plots, several decades later, are still partially concealed.
The
book is divided into 14 chapters presenting events mainly
chronologically with prominence given to the sensational events of the
Babangida regime— considering how much of the book is devoted to his tenure, the book can pass for his unofficial memoirs.
Analyses of the events are given within each chapter, with the
exception of one— Chapter 10, The Love of Money— which is almost
entirely an analysis of the rise of corruption in Nigeria. Here, Mr
Siollun cannot decide where the blame lies. He vacillates between the
public and the Ibrahim Babangida regime, eventually deciding on more
handwringing:
“Many
Nigerians believe that Babangida “institutionalised corruption,” yet
few admit their own complicity in creating the situation where
corruption became the norm. The citizenry are simultaneously victims,
accomplices, and active participants in their own corrupt downfall...the
roots go much deeper and are symptomatic of a residual breakdown of
Nigerian societal values and morality. It is the result of a nationwide
refusal to condemn dishonesty.”
It
is in a presentation of the facts that the books excels. The reader can
tell how arduous it is to compile all of the lectures, newspapers,
speeches, memoirs— which Mr Siollun generously furnishes at the end of
each chapter— in Nigeria. Generous as they are, the sources of
particular information are not always given. For example, when rumours
of Babangida’s intention to be civilian president, after cancelling
several presidential primaries in 1992, become widespread leading to his
assuring his military colleagues he had no such plans, the book says,
“General Abacha nonetheless remained sceptical about Babangida’s
sincerity.” Is this true? Is this even knowable? If it is, no source is
named for this particular psychological insight.
As
a lack of documentation plagues the military era— the public can agree
that no one takes down minutes in coup planning meetings— the book
cannot avoid serving self-serving accounts of individuals as truth.
Perhaps the clearest example of this is in the June 12
account given by National Electoral Commission chairman, Humphrey
Nwosu. After about a decade of silence, he published his account of the June 12
episode, absolving Babangida of wrongdoing. At the time of publication
in 2008, a section of the media considered his story written mainly for
his former boss’ benefit. In Soldiers of Fortune, amidst the uncertainty of several hypotheses put forward, Nwosu’s narrative emerges as something close to fact.
To
be fair, the author tries valiantly to compare accounts and give the
most plausible, but facts cannot win depending mainly on memory.
These
are mainly quibbles for an absolutely readable book, providing, often, a
keen view of the military in Nigeria. In the preface to the book, Mr
Siollun gives a summation of the motives of the military:
“Nigeria
faced no external military threat from a foreign power, thus the army’s
role was largely devoted to the suppression of communal riots...With no
external enemies to fight, military heroism tended to be sought in the
political arena rather than on the battle field.”
Considering
all of the young men—at the start of the period covered most were in
their 30s— involved in the turbulent period of 1983-1993, it is hard to
argue with that claim. Their activities, their prejudice, their
loyalties shaped the nation we have today. And whether history, as
recorded in Soldiers of Fortune, is a tribute or an indictment is
clear. It is worse to note that all of the names in the book are same
names in today’s politics— of all the prominent names in the military
era, only the dead are granted dispensation from the country’s
democracy. But maybe that is more of an indictment on the voting public.
As
for the author, he is only a chronicler; one faced with inescapable
handicaps but, ultimately, one that deserves praise for his scholarship,
for his rigour; for his book.
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